Nepal: trade unions fight for full service charge to go to workers

Major Trade Unions of Nepal expressed their solidarity to the Hotel and Tourism sector workers' demand regarding the 10 % service charge. Several social dialogues meetings took place between the Employers’, represented in the Hotel Association Nepal (HAN) and the Nepal Tourism and Hotel Labourers’ Union Association from NTUC, GEFONT and ANTUF to resolve the issue but to date, the debate continues.

The major three tourism and hotel Workers unions demand the staff should get the entire amount collected in the service charge. The service charge collected from customers is currently divided between employees and the management: as per the first agreement signed in 2006, employees are getting 68 percent, while management gets 32 percent. A joint struggle committee of the associations has also been established to resolve the problem but was not heard. The service charge collection was made mandatory 12 years ago.
 
Mr. Khemraj Khadka, President, Nepal Tourism, Hotel, Casino and Restaurant Workers Union (NTHCRWU- a pioneer affiliated national union to NTUC and IUF internationally) accused the HAN officials of not respecting the initial agreement. There was a 20 points agreement between workers and HAN officials where they agreed to set up a task force to monitor and review the service charge every three years but not a single meeting was held.  
“When we made the agreement, we were very new in the practice of service charge in Nepal, but there is an international practice of taking 2-15%. Giving 32 % to management is an injustice towards the workers, now our demand is to implement 100 % service charge to the worker” Khada said.

Address the missing link in ASEAN integration: Realize people’s agenda for a Social ASEAN.

Statement of Civil Society, Trade Unions, Migrants, and Parliamentarians in Southeast Asia
to the 22nd Senior Officials Meeting of the ASCC and the 17th ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC) Council Meeting

On 6-9 March 2017, ASEAN Senior Officials and Ministers will tackle socio-cultural and environmental concerns in the region at the 22nd Senior Officials Meeting of the ASCC and at the 17th ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC) Council Meeting. The latter will discuss preparations for and the declarations or statements for adoption by the Heads of States at the ASEAN Summit, with the theme “Partnering for Change, Engaging the World,” in April.

We – civil society organizations, trade unions, workers, migrants, marginalized sectors, and parliamentarians in Southeast Asia –  urge high officials and leaders in ASEAN to include in the discussions and declarations the perspectives of ordinary women, men, and vulnerable groups aspiring for a better quality of life – a life of dignity.
We call on the Senior Officials, Ministers, and Heads of States of ASEAN to make the 50th Anniversary of ASEAN truly meaningful by leaving a golden legacy to the peoples in Southeast Asia; make “people-oriented, people-centered ASEAN” a reality. Adopt the people’s agenda for a Social ASEAN.
Majority of the peoples in Southeast Asia have been suffering from economic and social deprivation, insecurity, social exclusion and oppression as inequalities continue to widen. More than 65% of the workforce in the region are in precarious work – without permanent and decent jobs, access to social services and social protection, and without adequate income that could enable them a life with dignity.  Less than 30% of the population have social protection as government expenditure for social protection remains low. In Southeast Asia, an average of only 3% of GDP per country goes to social protection and in 4 of the ASEAN countries it is below 2%.

ETI and various brands pulls out of the Dhaka Apparel Summit

ETI pulls out of Bangladesh summit amid fears over garment worker 'intimidation'

Concern is mounting over the future of the ready-made garment sector in Bangladesh following arrests in Chittagong and the Ashulia area of Dhaka, and intimidation of workers and their representatives. (…)ETI executive director Peter McAllister, who was due to speak at the event, said the organisation had no choice but to withdraw amid growing international concerns around Bangladesh’s clampdown on trade unions in the country’s garment sector, and following discussions with its member companies. ETI members C&A, H&M, Inditex and Tchibo also confirmed that they will not attend the summit.

(…)The BGMEA has claimed the strikes were illegal under the Bangladesh Labour Law 2006 – Section 210 and 211 and have cost the affected factories some $50m (£40m) in lost production.

“As a trade body, we cannot influence legal issues or issue arbitrary notices to that effect, however we are fully supportive of the call for ensuring that the law is not misused by any party,” the association said in a statement yesterday.

Read the full article here.

Persbericht: Kledingarbeiders in Bangladesh het zwijgen opgelegd

Reeds 34 mensen opgepakt in heksenjacht tegen vakbonden
Sinds in december stakingen uitbraken in 20 Bengaalse kledingfabrieken, worden bijna dagelijks mensen willekeurig opgepakt. Afgelopen weekend werden alweer 9 vakbondsleiders gearresteerd in Bangladesh. Vandaag staat de teller op 34. Er werd ook klacht ingediend tegen minstens 700 werknemers en vakbondsleiders. Vakbonden en ngo’s eisen dat de Bengaalse autoriteiten iedereen die opgesloten zit vrijlaat en de politiek gemotiveerde aanklachten laat vallen. De internationale kledingmerken die in Bangladesh produceren moeten de overheid en de werkgevers onder druk zetten om de rechten van werknemers te respecteren.

In december brak een spontane staking uit in de kledingfabriek Windy Apparels in Ashulia, een wijk in Dhaka, de hoofdstad van Bangladesh. De staking en de protesten deinden uit naar andere kledingfabrieken in de regio. Vele daarvan maken kleding voor bekende Westerse merken (H&M, Zara, Gap, Primark,...). In plaats van loonopslag, kregen meer dan 1600 werknemers hun ontslagbrief. Ze worden beschuldigd van vandalisme, plundering, bedreiging van medearbeiders en het aanvallen van fabriekskaders. Intussen werden al 34 vakbondsleiders en –activisten gearresteerd, terwijl de overgrote meerderheid niet eens betrokken was bij de stakingen.

De stakers eisten een hoger minimumloon, tussen de 15.000 en 16.000 taka (179-190 euro) per maand. Met het huidige minimumloon van 5.300 taka (63 euro), dat al dateert van 2013, moeten ze huur, vervoer, gezondheidszorg en eten betalen. De huur van een kamer kost echter al 2500 tot 4500 taka per maand. Zowel de Bengaalse regering als de werkgeversfederatie BGMEA weigeren een loonstijging. “Het totale gebrek aan vakbondsvrijheid is het grootste struikelblok voor een veilige en duurzame kledingproductie in Bangladesh,” zegt Sara Ceustermans van de Schone Kleren Campagne. “Werknemers kunnen nog steeds geen loonsverhoging vragen zonder gearresteerd of ontslagen te worden, terwijl net sterke vakbonden de enige écht duurzame garantie zijn op betere arbeidsomstandigheden voor de Bengaalse kledingarbeiders.”

Reactie kledingmerken ondermaats
De reactie van de kledingmerken met productie in Bangladesh was tot nu toe ondermaats. Op 4 januari verstuurden 21 internationale merken een brief naar de Bengaalse overheid over de onlusten in Ashulia, maar die brief werd niet publiek gemaakt. Sindsdien bleef het oorverdovend stil. Ook de Europese Commissie ging nog niet tot actie over. Bangladesh valt onder een gunstig handelssysteem[1] met de EU, waardoor het taxvrije toegang heeft tot de Europese markt. Ter vergelijking: kledingbedrijven die kleding laten produceren in China betalen hierop een importtax van 12%. Aan dat gunstige handelssysteem zijn wel een aantal voorwaarden verbonden, zoals het respecteren van de fundamentele arbeids- en mensenrechten. Vakbonden en ngo’s roepen de Europese Commissie op om deze hefboom te gebruiken en een onderzoek in te stellen naar de schendingen van de vakbondsvrijheid. Voorlopig lijkt de Europese Commissie daar niet toe bereid. De Bengaalse regering kan dus ongestraft de opgelegde voorwaarden blijven schenden.  

De les van Rana Plaza
De slechte werkomstandigheden in de Bengaalse kledingsector hebben herhaaldelijk geleid tot rampen. De dodelijkste was de instorting van Rana Plaza op 24 april 2013. 1.138 kledingarbeiders stierven, meer dan 2.000 anderen raakten gewond. Op 13 mei 2013 werd het bindende Akkoord over brand- en gebouwveiligheid afgesloten. Dat akkoord loopt tot 2018 en werd inmiddels door meer dan 200 internationale merken ondertekend. Andere problemen, zoals de extreem lage lonen en het gebrek aan vakbondsvrijheid, worden er niet mee aangepakt.

De Schone Kleren Campagne is een coalitie van verschillende organisaties: ABVV, ACV, Wereldsolidariteit, FOS, BBTK, LBC, ACV-Metea, ABVV AC, Testaankoop en Netwerk Bewust Verbruiken. De Schone Kleren Campagne maakt deel uit van het internationale netwerk Clean Clothes Campaign, met 17 coalities in Europa en meer dan 200 partners wereldwijd.

Meer info: Sara Ceustermans, coördinatrice Schone Kleren Campagne 

Crack down on Bangladesh labour activists

At least 11 garment union leaders and activists have been detained in Bangladesh in an alarming step backwards for workers' rights and democracy in the country. Security forces have raided the houses of trade union leaders and volunteers, and many have gone into hiding in fear of their safety.
Trade union offices in Dhaka have been invaded, vandalized and forcibly shut down, with membership documents burned and furniture removed.

Support these workers by taking a moment to sign this petition and this petition from UNI and IndustriALL to help end the attack on garment workers.

End of year wishes!

World Solidarity wishes you a
Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year!
May all your dreams come true!

“A dream you dream alone is only a dream. A dream you dream together is reality.”

― John Lennon

The effect of India withdrawing currency notes on informal economy

The Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi's announcement over television on the night of November 8, 2016, withdrawing from circulation currency notes with denominations of Rs. 500 and Rs. 1000, has had a cascading effect on the economy. In this Issue Brief, M. Vijayabaskar, Associate Professor, Madras Institute of Development Studies, Chennai, maps the pathways through which demonetisation impacts the informal economy. A distinction is made between sectors and categories of labour such as the self-employed, the casually employed and the micro and small enterprises operating below the realm of formal regulation. This Issue Brief brings out the paradox of justifying demonetisation in terms of formalising financial markets even it has informalised labour markets. Finally, it also points out that there is little likelihood of the move benefiting the informal economy even in the long run.

People may, therefore, be pushed into the financial system in desperation if the government chooses to not remonetise all that has been demonetised. While this may mean 'inclusion' in a symbolic sense, it will mean little else for the large segments of those who have been excluded from access to formal employment opportunities. Given that it is the same government which has pushed for labour reforms that weaken the protection given to formal workers through 'model' reform laws passed in Rajasthan, it is hard to buy the argument that demonetisation may actually work in favour of even those currently employed in the formal segment leave alone those in the informal economy.

Read the full article here.

Developing alternatives for Indian agricultural workers: solar panels for irrigation

 AREDS in India looks to develop alternatives for agricultural workers by creating and promoting a model farm which uses a more sustainable approach. WSM facilitated a grant from the Energy fund in Belgium, so that they could purchase solar panels for the irrigation in this very dry area of Tamil Nadu. As this is a fairly innovative technique, it required some research and experts analyzed the existing wells, and made recommendations. Next, three tenders were requested from companies, which all had similar prices, but the quality of the equipment varied, like the type of motor and pump. Once the choice made, the order went through the bank and fifteen days later it was installed, with concrete pillars already set up by AREDS according to the specifications provided beforehand. The Company installed the four sets of 10 panels next to each near the four wells and then engineers erected the pumps inside the wells. Currently, the plot has five horsepower motors which can run for ten hours. The system is self-sufficient and not connected to the electrical state grid, except one which was close to the grid. Plants are kept alive despite a severe drought this year in Tamil Nadu. AREDS also practices intercropping, with specific measures per crop. Through a rain harvesting programme, there is no danger of the wells running dry.


Of course, the goal is now to share these techniques, so AREDS reached out to farmers, government and universities. Four groups of twenty small-scale farmers, majority women have been trained in first 2016, with a three day training to learn how to maintain the panels, do minor repairs, measure the watts produce and when to switch them on. At least ten people have applied for the state grants for solar panels, which can take some time. A delegation from the local government agriculture department was invited and decided to support this initiative. The Agriculture university of Trichy is also attending training on this farm, and an exchange program runs with French students and soon VIVES, a farmers higher education institute in West Flanders.

Position Paper ANRSP on access to health care

Preambule

The Asian Network on the Right to Social Protection (ANRSP) is composed out of various trade unions and social movements in Asia, supported by the Belgian organisation World Solidarity (WSM). All these social movements strive in their own way for social protection, job creation and decent work, which are essential for sustainable and inclusive development. The ANRSP focuses on promoting the right to social protection on a regional, continental and global level, as part of the efforts for Decent Wages and Work worldwide. It is currently discussing this position paper regarding the access to health in Asia. Health care is only one element to ensure the general health condition of a population, with other social determinants which are often linked to the lack of a dignified life. This includes unsafe working conditions, inadequate housing, lack of income etc., which the network also tackles.

The ANRSP demands that health care should cover all, and special efforts made to include workers and populations currently not covered by social security systems, such as the young, garment workers, construction workers, health workers, migrant workers and people living below the poverty threshold. Work is urgently needed to make the right to health a reality for all.

Social protection and disasters illustration: Nepal's earthquake

After the earthquakes hitting Nepal in April and May 2015, which killed 9.000 people, injured 25.000 and hundreds of thousands of people were made homeless. Over 4,4 billion USD was promised in aid for the relief and reconstruction, but implementation by the Nepali government was too slow and failed to materialize: only a year and a half after the earthquake did some 75% of over 1.000 affected households receive a 450€ grant to rebuild their houses. Should there have been systems of social security in place, with registered beneficiaries, this aid could have come much sooner and could have saved many lives.

Gonoshasthaya Kendra (GK) medical Team helped Nepal earthquake victims

By Mr. Rammani Pokharel, NTUC

After learning about the devastation, Gonoshasthaya Kendra (GK) from Bangladesh came to Nepal and linked up with another WSM partner, Nepal Trade Union Congress (NTUC) to offer medical help. A team of one doctor and five medical students, some with Nepali origins but studying at GK, came by truck, bringing medicines and supplies. NTUC facilitated the hosting of two medical camps in and around Laliptur for construction, commercial and carpet workers. The remaining medication and material was handed over to the Bangladesh Embassy in Kathmandu. During their mission, 971 (among which 398 male and 573 female) patients were treated. Head of the team, Dr. Halimour was glad he didn’t have to perform any major amputations. He remembered treating a little girl whose mother had died while shielding her from falling debris and who was still very afraid.

Social protection, disaster risk reduction and climate change

Many organisations work with the vulnerable groups to increase their resilience to withstand shocks, improve their ability to reduce/manage risk and to reduce their poverty, which is a risk factor in itself. Why do we consider these groups are more vulnerable:
• The poor/socially marginalised often live in places more exposed to hazard risks
• They have less ability to cope with and recover from disaster impacts
• They have less voice and influence
• They depend on informal safety nets that become stretched after major shocks
• They are adversely affected by delays in, or lack of access to, relief/early recovery responses

Social protection approaches have been successfully used to:
• Reduce disaster and climate-related impacts
• Protect from total destitution
• Enhance abilities to reduce existing disaster impact risks and adapt to new/increased risks as a result of climate change

What is meant by Universal Health Coverage?

The WHO defines Universal Health Coverage as “access to health services, of sufficient quality to be effective, while also ensuring that the use of these services does not expose the user to financial hardship”. UHC is a “concept that is deeply rooted in its 1946 Constitution, which declares health to be a fundamental human right”.

UHC is designed as a three-dimensional system that progressively moves towards:
i) the coverage of the entire population by a package of services,
ii) inclusion of an increasing range of services, and
iii) a rising share of pooled funds as the main source of funding for healthcare, and thereby a decrease in co-payments.

This model is gaining in popularity and the current discourse on UHC is dominating the majority of inter- national discussions on health care. UHC is presented as the response to urgent needs in health in low and medium income countries. Some enthusiastic backers have named it the “third great transition” in health, by changing the way in which services and the organisation of systems are financed.

The privatisation of health in the Philippines

Today, 8 people out of 10 in the Philippines report never having had a medical check-up or physical examination in their life. 28% of all Filipino women have no skilled birth attendance care. Due to poverty, 6 out of 10 people die in the Philippines without ever having seen a doctor. Health care utilisation rates in the Philippines show worse access to health than the regional average. The primary reason is a lack of financial means. Free health services are very limited and the poorest cannot afford treatment or medicine.

A long history of privatization...
Health care in the Philippines became increasingly inaccessible for the poor majority since the policy of privatization which started in the 1970s during the Marcos era. Philippine foreign debt became insurmountable and the IMF-World Bank imposed the Structural Adjustment Program, leading to privatizing state assets for more income. This practice was followed by succeeding presidents and governments, like in 2000 by President Joseph Estrada under the Health Sector Reform Agenda (HSRA) and Executive Order 366. This program was to provide fiscal autonomy and expanding the coverage of the national health insurance, also called Philhealth. The policy included the corporatization of public hospitals and integration of the four Government Owned and Controlled Corporation (GOCC) Hospitals to cater to medical tourism. The aim of the government is to relegate its responsibility of providing people’s right to health to the private sector. What happened is that since people have to pay for their treatment, rates increased so much higher that in the GOCC hospitals specializing on the heart, kidney, lung and children, health services are no longer free. In fact, a kidney transplants cost more than one million PHP or 19.000€.
This privatization policies continued under different names from President Benigno Aquino III under the “Philippine Development Plan” (2011-2016) which strengthened implementation of the National Insurance Policy or Philhealth, public-private partnership (PPP) and the millennium development goals in health. Health Services in public hospitals became a commercial product and Philhealth covers only 9% to 11% of total costs, except for 23 selected cases only. According to the Department of Health data, 54% of the total cost of health services is out-of-pocket.

Fight against privatization
Under PPP, Philippine Orthopedic Center, the only public bone specialization in the Philippines was a pilot project. The government plan was to bid the modernization of the hospital to private funds of 5.6 Billion PHP or 106 million € with a concession of 25 years private operation of the hospital, with an option to renew for another 25 years of private operation. The ugly side of this business is that only 70 beds out of the 700 bed capacity will be allocated to service patients, and not indigent patients. The private investor, Megawide, also has an option to terminate the health workers.

Public or private?

 Who is best placed to deliver quality health care services if we want to achieve accessible, good quality health care for all? Public or private providers? There is no easy answer to this question, firstly because defining what is private and what is public is complex. Private providers are heterogeneous, consisting of formal for-profit entities such as independent hospitals, individual care workers working on a self-employed basis, informal entities that may include unlicensed providers, and not-for-profit providers, such as community and social enterprises, non-governmental organisations, civil society etc. In many countries, individual health workers, like doctors, are often self-employed, but hospitals and health centres are mostly (or all) in the hands of the government or run by social, not for profit, organisations. Elsewhere, health services are provided by a mix of for profit and not for profit enterprises and institution, subsidised by the government or otherwise. So, we can’t make a simple distinction between public and private, but we can say that there are some clear structural reasons why for-profit health care and competition do not promote efficiency or quality, and impede universal and equitable access to health care.