By Bart Verstraeten,
WSM Political Secretary
Since the 19th century, the idea that labour is
not a mere commodity that can be owned, traded or exploited like any other raw
material, has gained ground. This basically means that labour has to be
rewarded, that workers had to be remunerated for their hard work. The most
common way of doing so is by paying them a wage.
Most prominently, this idea was incorporated in
the ILO Constitution which entrusts the ILO to promote “policies in
regard to wages
and earnings [….] to ensure a
just share of the fruits of progress to all, and a minimum living wage to all
employed and in need of such protection”.
Over the years, the ILO developed several
international labour standards on this topic. The standards offering the
broadest protection in that regard are Convention 131 (C131) and Recommendation
135 on minimum wage fixing, adopted in 1970. Key features of these 2 standards
are:
- Governments are required to put in place and maintain specific machinery to fix minimum wages and to adjust them periodically.
- Representative organisations of workers and employers have to be involved in this minimum wage fixing machinery.
- Minimum wages have the force of law.
While the existing ILO instruments do not define a minimum wage, C131 lists for the first time explicitly 2 elements that should be taken into consideration in determining the level of minimum wages:
- The needs of workers and their families, taking into account the general level of wages in the country, the cost of living, social security benefits and the relative living standards of other social groups;
- Economic factors, including the requirements of economic development, levels of productivity and the desirability of attaining and maintaining a high level of employment.
If the idea of a living wage seems plain and
simple, it has not yet been enshrined in a legal instrument. The Workers group tried hard while negotiating the new ILO Recommendation 204 on
Transitioning from the Informal to the Formal Economy in 2014 and 2015. But the
Employers Group finally retracted on a hard fought compromise. For them the
living wage is a theoretical concept (and not a legal one) and there are no
criteria to calculate it.
Well, WSM and its network of partner
organisations do not agree with this line of thinking and here is why. First of
all, many women in the Asian garment industry have testified that their minimum
wage does not allow them to feed and clothe their families properly and pay the
rent for the house. Mass fainting have occurred regularly in garment factories
in Cambodia for this very reason. This is not just theory, this is the sad
reality for so many working women around the world. Secondly, the concept of
living wages (or minimum living wages) is incorporated in the ILO Constitution,
the ILO Declaration of Philadelphia of 1944 and most recently in the ILO
Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization of 2008. These are legal texts, defining the
constitutional mandate of the ILO as well as adapting it to changing circumstances
over the last (nearly) 100 years. Thirdly, the elements listed in C131 and R135
can hardly be considered to be so concrete and precise so as to allow a
mathematical calculation. In fact, governments and social partners are given
quite a lot of discretion on how to determine the needs of workers and their
families and the economic factors. This discretion can be used to set minimum
wages or to set minimum living wages which allow workers and their families to
lead a decent life.
WSM, ACV-CSC and their partner organisations
want to move forward with this crucial issue in the years to come. First of
all, we want to undertake some further research to get a better understanding
of the different concepts and calculation methods in this field. In this
regard, we want to know to what extent the consumption basket can be used to
really define the cost of living of workers and their families. In principle,
countries all around the world undertake household surveys and economic studies
to calculate the cost of a basic set of goods and services for people in the
national context. When you have an idea of the cost of this consumption basket,
you also have the empirical data to make more precise calculations of living
wages. Secondly, in our network we can also draw on
the wealth of experiences of the different organisations (trade unions, social
movements, labour rights NGO’s etc.) that have developed different approaches
over the last decades. We are determined to learn from these approaches. Thirdly, we will determine our advocacy
strategy based on further research and intelligence sharing. This strategy will
target both companies and governments. Companies can no longer ignore their
responsibility for the working and living conditions in their global supply
chains. We want them to get involved, together with their supplies, in
negotiating legally binding agreements that ensure living wages for workers.
Governments will have to be convinced to adopt and implement minimum living
wage fixing machinery. In that sense, it would be great if we could push the
ILO to revise C131 and R135 to incorporate the word “living” throughout the
text, while clearly spelling out that minimum living wages should enable worker
and their families to lead a decent life. Another option is of course to lobby
for an entirely new ILO labour standard.
Whichever option is taken, we need a
solid legal basis at international level, which we can then use to lobby
governments to adopt new or adapt existing legislation.
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